Nurul kabir
"The so-called aristocracy of society struck my mind in childhood. I could never tolerate the idea of class distinction between human beings on the basis of the amount of the land they own. My mind wanted to demolish the [class-based] social system, and introduce a new one on the debris of the existing one from the day I came to understand the deliberate and systemic exploitation [of peasants] by the landed aristocracy of zamindars and moneylenders." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Paigam, Dhaka, January 13, 1971)
“In his Deoband days, he got renowned Deobandis, such as Moulana Mahmudul Hasan, Shaikhul Hindh, who train him in the Qur’an and the Hadith. A stauch anti-imperialist, ‘Moulana Hasan strongly believed in Hindu-Muslim unity to free India from British rule’. The famous teacher Moulana Hasan, left a lasting impression on the thought process of the student Abdul Hamid, who would be a famous politician of the sub-continent in the years to come. Besides, Bhashani got Moulana Azad Sobhani as his political guru. “Moulana Azad Sobhani was a free spirit, outspoken and spokesperson of the oppressed poor. Because of the life which he led, his intellectual activism and public speeches, Indian politicians used to call him a communist. In response, Moulana Sobhani would say, ‘Yes, I am a communist, but with Allah.’…” writes Professor Muzaffar Ahmed.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 28)
"I don't understand communism, Leninism or Maoism, I haven't even read Marx's Capital, but what I understand pretty well is that the majority of our people suffer from hunger." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Interview with Dainik Purbadesh, Dhaka, March 17, 1971)"
“Rububiyah is an Arabic word that derived from the core word ‘Rabb’, which in the Qur’an refers to God as rabb al-alamin, or the ‘Lord of all being’, who owns everything on earth’, in other words La hu ma fissamawata wa ma fil ard. Providing a pro-people interpretation of rububiyah, Bhashani used to argue that since God is the creator of all human beings and all resources on earth, it is only natural that all human beings, as equal servants of God, have equal rights to all earthly resources. In the modern age, this is nothing but political and economic egalitarianism, which can be ensured only by securing people’s access to, and control over, the natural resources of the world.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 29)
"Full independence, nothing short of it, is our objective, because, there is no alternative for the people of East Bengal to ensure their political and economic progress and self-sufficiency ... peasant's in the field, workers in the factories and all the youths ... start struggling to protect independence as well as ensure the liberation of East Pakistan." (Bangladesher Swadhinata Juddher Dalilpatra, Volume 2, ed. Hasan Hafizur Rahman, Ministry of Information, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1982. p. 715)
"Our independence is not meant to be merely geographical. The independence, earned through the blood and sacrifices of the people, has to be translated into the liberation of the toiling masses ... Mujib, a quarter in the Awami League is out to grab the ownership of houses, cars, and banks by exploiting your popularity. Restrain them. If you fail to do so, a bleak future awaits you. Stop the anti-people activities of the lutpat samity [group of freebooters] and feed the masses, otherwise you popularity will vanish." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Bangla, Dhaka, April 3, 1972)
"People are dying of hunger! Mothers are forced to sell their children! Please save the people... come forward, sink differences with your political opponents, forget your bitter rivalry with them. Given the enormity of the crisis, Mujib, it is no longer possible for you alone to save the people [from the famine]. Release the political prisoners, withdraw the warrants of arrest against your political opponents, convene an all-party meeting. I will also attend the meeting. Make all-out efforts to save dying human beings." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Bangla, Dhaka, April 15, 1974)
“By the end of the year [1974], the Bangladesh government stood exposed as inept, indifferent and heartless. All its political credit had vanished. Seventy distinguished Bangladeshi economists lawyears and writers issued a statement saying that the famine was manmade, and had resulted from shameless plunder, exploitation, terrorization, flattery, fraudulence and misrule.” (Willem Van Schendel, A History of Bangladesh, p. 181)
“The Sheikh’s regime was getting more and more autocratic by the day. It promulgated a ‘state of emergency’ across the country on December 28, 1974, suspending the fundamental rights of the citizens, such as the right to freedom of conscience, right to freedom of speech and expression, right to freedom of movement, assembly, et cetera, guaranteed by the constitution of the republic. The year 1975 began with the arrest of Siraj Sikdar, the leader of the Purba Bangla Sarbahara Party, a communist party that had fought actively in the country’s liberation war in 1971 and put up armed resistance against the autocratic governance of the Awami League since independence. Sikdar was shoot dead the next day, January 2, 1975 while in police custody, marking the country’s first high-profile extra-judicial murder of a political opponent by the government. With Moulana Bhashani detained, Siraj Sikdar killed, JSD leaders hounded, and other opposition parties and groups scared and scattered by the terror unleashed by the governing quarters, Mujib got the publicly infamous Fourth Amendment to the Constitution passed by Parliament, without any debate in the House, on January 25, 1975. The amendment in question introduced an autocratic presidential system of governance with an all-powerful President placed above the constitution of the republic, one which empowered the President to undo any law enacted by Parliament. It also imposed executive control over the judiciary and curtailed the democratic jurisdiction of the appellate courts to safeguard the fundamental rights of the citizens.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 88-89)
“Within a month, on February 24, 1975, the Sheikh floated his political party, the Bangladesh Krishak-Sramik Awami League (BKSAL) and banned the rest. He called this civilian dictatorship the ‘second revolution’ and ‘instilled himself as Bangladesh’s first autocratic ruler’. The pro-Moscow factions of the Communist Party and the National Awami Party happily joined the dictatorial one-party system. The others went underground. Later, on June 16, 1975, the Sheikh’s one-party regime came down heavily on the freedom of expression of the citizens in general and the political dissidents in particular. It promulgated the Newspaper (Annulment of Declaration) Ordinance, 1975, under which only four daily newspaper-two in Bangla and two in English- were allowed to continue publication, and that too under strict government control. The rest of the papers were banned.” (Ibid, p. 90)
“However, a bloody military coup d’état followed Mujib’s civilian one which brutally dethroned Mujib and dismantled his BKSAL on August 15, 1975. Mujib’s political opponents, having apparently been relieved of the autocratic regime, particularly the ones disbanded and hounded by his government, appeared happy at the military takeover. But eventually the military coup d’état further distorted the country’s political process, making te democratization of society and state not only more difficult than ever, but also contributing to the autocratisation of the country’s political parties.” (Ibid, p. 90)
“If anyone starts any anti-people activity, I will launch a movement against him again, despite my illness owing to my old age.” (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Ittefaq, Dhaka, November 9, 1976)
“He also knew that there was no scarcity of leaders in the left-of-centre political camps either, who would hurriedly abandon their leftist ideology and quickly join the Cabinet of right-wing dictators- whether military, or civilian or pseudo-civilian. What was scarce was, as Bhashani knew, politicians who had the moral and intellectual strength to say ‘no’ to power on behalf of the powerless multitude. The Moulana, a people’s man from head to toe, took upon himself this role.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 110)
"The so-called aristocracy of society struck my mind in childhood. I could never tolerate the idea of class distinction between human beings on the basis of the amount of the land they own. My mind wanted to demolish the [class-based] social system, and introduce a new one on the debris of the existing one from the day I came to understand the deliberate and systemic exploitation [of peasants] by the landed aristocracy of zamindars and moneylenders." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Paigam, Dhaka, January 13, 1971)
“In his Deoband days, he got renowned Deobandis, such as Moulana Mahmudul Hasan, Shaikhul Hindh, who train him in the Qur’an and the Hadith. A stauch anti-imperialist, ‘Moulana Hasan strongly believed in Hindu-Muslim unity to free India from British rule’. The famous teacher Moulana Hasan, left a lasting impression on the thought process of the student Abdul Hamid, who would be a famous politician of the sub-continent in the years to come. Besides, Bhashani got Moulana Azad Sobhani as his political guru. “Moulana Azad Sobhani was a free spirit, outspoken and spokesperson of the oppressed poor. Because of the life which he led, his intellectual activism and public speeches, Indian politicians used to call him a communist. In response, Moulana Sobhani would say, ‘Yes, I am a communist, but with Allah.’…” writes Professor Muzaffar Ahmed.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 28)
"I don't understand communism, Leninism or Maoism, I haven't even read Marx's Capital, but what I understand pretty well is that the majority of our people suffer from hunger." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Interview with Dainik Purbadesh, Dhaka, March 17, 1971)"
“Rububiyah is an Arabic word that derived from the core word ‘Rabb’, which in the Qur’an refers to God as rabb al-alamin, or the ‘Lord of all being’, who owns everything on earth’, in other words La hu ma fissamawata wa ma fil ard. Providing a pro-people interpretation of rububiyah, Bhashani used to argue that since God is the creator of all human beings and all resources on earth, it is only natural that all human beings, as equal servants of God, have equal rights to all earthly resources. In the modern age, this is nothing but political and economic egalitarianism, which can be ensured only by securing people’s access to, and control over, the natural resources of the world.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 29)
"Full independence, nothing short of it, is our objective, because, there is no alternative for the people of East Bengal to ensure their political and economic progress and self-sufficiency ... peasant's in the field, workers in the factories and all the youths ... start struggling to protect independence as well as ensure the liberation of East Pakistan." (Bangladesher Swadhinata Juddher Dalilpatra, Volume 2, ed. Hasan Hafizur Rahman, Ministry of Information, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1982. p. 715)
"Our independence is not meant to be merely geographical. The independence, earned through the blood and sacrifices of the people, has to be translated into the liberation of the toiling masses ... Mujib, a quarter in the Awami League is out to grab the ownership of houses, cars, and banks by exploiting your popularity. Restrain them. If you fail to do so, a bleak future awaits you. Stop the anti-people activities of the lutpat samity [group of freebooters] and feed the masses, otherwise you popularity will vanish." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Bangla, Dhaka, April 3, 1972)
"People are dying of hunger! Mothers are forced to sell their children! Please save the people... come forward, sink differences with your political opponents, forget your bitter rivalry with them. Given the enormity of the crisis, Mujib, it is no longer possible for you alone to save the people [from the famine]. Release the political prisoners, withdraw the warrants of arrest against your political opponents, convene an all-party meeting. I will also attend the meeting. Make all-out efforts to save dying human beings." (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Bangla, Dhaka, April 15, 1974)
“By the end of the year [1974], the Bangladesh government stood exposed as inept, indifferent and heartless. All its political credit had vanished. Seventy distinguished Bangladeshi economists lawyears and writers issued a statement saying that the famine was manmade, and had resulted from shameless plunder, exploitation, terrorization, flattery, fraudulence and misrule.” (Willem Van Schendel, A History of Bangladesh, p. 181)
“The Sheikh’s regime was getting more and more autocratic by the day. It promulgated a ‘state of emergency’ across the country on December 28, 1974, suspending the fundamental rights of the citizens, such as the right to freedom of conscience, right to freedom of speech and expression, right to freedom of movement, assembly, et cetera, guaranteed by the constitution of the republic. The year 1975 began with the arrest of Siraj Sikdar, the leader of the Purba Bangla Sarbahara Party, a communist party that had fought actively in the country’s liberation war in 1971 and put up armed resistance against the autocratic governance of the Awami League since independence. Sikdar was shoot dead the next day, January 2, 1975 while in police custody, marking the country’s first high-profile extra-judicial murder of a political opponent by the government. With Moulana Bhashani detained, Siraj Sikdar killed, JSD leaders hounded, and other opposition parties and groups scared and scattered by the terror unleashed by the governing quarters, Mujib got the publicly infamous Fourth Amendment to the Constitution passed by Parliament, without any debate in the House, on January 25, 1975. The amendment in question introduced an autocratic presidential system of governance with an all-powerful President placed above the constitution of the republic, one which empowered the President to undo any law enacted by Parliament. It also imposed executive control over the judiciary and curtailed the democratic jurisdiction of the appellate courts to safeguard the fundamental rights of the citizens.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 88-89)
“Within a month, on February 24, 1975, the Sheikh floated his political party, the Bangladesh Krishak-Sramik Awami League (BKSAL) and banned the rest. He called this civilian dictatorship the ‘second revolution’ and ‘instilled himself as Bangladesh’s first autocratic ruler’. The pro-Moscow factions of the Communist Party and the National Awami Party happily joined the dictatorial one-party system. The others went underground. Later, on June 16, 1975, the Sheikh’s one-party regime came down heavily on the freedom of expression of the citizens in general and the political dissidents in particular. It promulgated the Newspaper (Annulment of Declaration) Ordinance, 1975, under which only four daily newspaper-two in Bangla and two in English- were allowed to continue publication, and that too under strict government control. The rest of the papers were banned.” (Ibid, p. 90)
“However, a bloody military coup d’état followed Mujib’s civilian one which brutally dethroned Mujib and dismantled his BKSAL on August 15, 1975. Mujib’s political opponents, having apparently been relieved of the autocratic regime, particularly the ones disbanded and hounded by his government, appeared happy at the military takeover. But eventually the military coup d’état further distorted the country’s political process, making te democratization of society and state not only more difficult than ever, but also contributing to the autocratisation of the country’s political parties.” (Ibid, p. 90)
“If anyone starts any anti-people activity, I will launch a movement against him again, despite my illness owing to my old age.” (Moulana Bhashani ::: Dainik Ittefaq, Dhaka, November 9, 1976)
“He also knew that there was no scarcity of leaders in the left-of-centre political camps either, who would hurriedly abandon their leftist ideology and quickly join the Cabinet of right-wing dictators- whether military, or civilian or pseudo-civilian. What was scarce was, as Bhashani knew, politicians who had the moral and intellectual strength to say ‘no’ to power on behalf of the powerless multitude. The Moulana, a people’s man from head to toe, took upon himself this role.” (Nurul Kabir, The Red Moulana, p. 110)
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